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During his career at Montana State University , Anderson received several outstanding teaching awards and is now professor emeritus of economics. He received his B. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article includes a list of references , related reading or external links , but its sources remain unclear because it lacks inline citations. They are also more hostile to further EU integration and more concerned about safeguarding national sovereignty.
For many Central and eastern Europeans, the collapse of the Soviet Union was as much about restoring national independence as it was about restoring liberty and democracy. They have little appetite for ceding sovereignty to Brussels. However, Gen Z is the first generation to grow up in a truly continent-wide EU. Sure enough, the younger groups on both sides of the former Iron Curtain seem to be converging on some issues, such as their support for democracy and EU integration.
Yet this convergence is not visible on all issues. As in the Mediterranean countries, the young in Central and eastern Europe care most about classic bread-and-butter issues, such as unemployment and rising living costs.
But differences persist with respect to values. People ages 18 to 34 in most of Central and eastern Europe still oppose same-sex marriage. Similarly, although Millennials and Gen Zers in Central and eastern Europe are less hostile to migrants than their parents are, a large gap remains between West and East.
For Central and eastern Europeans, however, where your forebears came from still matters. Indeed, young Hungarians and Croatians tend to associate ancestry with nationality even more than older generations do. Moreover, political convergence is likely being hindered by migration patterns within Europe.copegus.top/philosophies-of-exclusion-liberal-political-theory-and-immigration.php
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There is a good deal of movement from East to West: According to the census, for example, more than 10 percent of the Polish-born population now lives in another EU country. But it is the better-educated citizens from the newer member states who are most likely to move. This may help the original member states address their demographic challenges. But it also means that the population remaining in Central and eastern Europe tends to lean to the right. In Poland , the ruling Law and Justice party came first among toyear-olds in the May European elections. This trend is also visible in some older EU member states where the economy is shaky and young people are leaving en masse.
In Italy , the European elections saw the right-wing Lega party narrowly win the largest vote-share among the Millennials and Gen Z. The neofascist Brothers of Italy also performed well among younger voters. This is a recent development. Just over a year ago, in the March national elections, the left-wing populist party Five Star Movement overwhelmingly won the youth vote.
A reverse dynamic is visible in Austria. In , 30 percent of those ages 29 and under voted for the nationalist-right Freedom Party in the parliamentary elections. In May , having been hit by a scandal, the party came in third with the same age group 17 percent , far behind the Greens 28 percent and the Social Democrats 22 percent. Nevertheless, the Austrian case is a reminder that immigration is an issue for young voters even in countries that are faring well economically. It is striking that, with the exception of Italy, it is in the EU countries with the lowest youth unemployment and the highest GDP per capita —Germany, Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Belgium—that Millennials and Gen Zers cite immigration as one of their biggest concerns.
The polling firm YouGov has calculated that almost half a million Leave voters are dying each year in the United Kingdom.
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Assuming constant voting patterns, already by January enough Remainers had reached the voting age and enough Brexiteers had died to reverse the result in the event of a new referendum. Yet we should not exaggerate the near-future impact of the Millennial or Gen Z vote in Europe. On average, voters ages 30 and under now make up only Fully The median age in the EU has been rising, from By comparison, the median American is 38 today—a Millennial. It will be at least another 15 years before Millennials and Gen Zers form the majority of the voting-age population in Europe.
The short-run trend is therefore that the old will dominate in European politics. In , for the first time, more than half of the voters in the elections for the German Bundestag were over That was because, as in so many countries, the old are more likely to turn out to vote than the young. According to research from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, voter turnout among toyear-olds is, on average, 16 percentage points lower than among adults ages 25 to True, participation in European and national elections by the young has been on the rise in many countries, notably France and Spain.
Surveys also suggest that the younger generations are getting more interested in politics.
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But the same can also be said for older generations. This helps explain why European politicians pitch to the old more than to the young. In Germany, the moribund grand coalition decided in August to ease access to pension payouts. In Denmark, the Social Democrats swept to power in June promising to roll back pension reforms introduced by the previous center-right government.
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In Italy, the Lega leader and former Interior Minister Matteo Salvini significantly relaxed the conditions for early retirement before exiting the government this past summer. In Poland , the nationalist government cut the retirement age for men by two years and for woman by five. To lose sight of that reality can be dangerous. In , French President Emmanuel Macron increased social-security contributions for middle-income pensioners to finance a corresponding decrease for the young.
According to the best study to date, The toyear-olds represented just 6. France was once famous for its tradition of youthful revolts, from the student protests of to the banlieue riots of and the massive student mobilization against labor-market liberalization reforms in Today, it is the older voters who can bring the country to a standstill. The politics of the future in Europe seems unlikely to resemble the politics of generational division in America.
But the financial crisis seems to have weakened their commitment to the welfare state, especially compared with the Baby Boomers.
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